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  • The Catalysing Effect of Covid-19 on the Changing World Order

    The Catalysing Effect of Covid-19 on the Changing World Order

    Contrary to the realist belief, international states co-exist in a world order of hierarchy rather than anarchy. Ikenberry presents this hierarchical world order and the cyclical rise and fall of hegemonic powers. Early 20th century witnessed the shift from Pax-Britannica to Pax-Americana that was complete by 1945, from which point the US defended its position during the Cold War with the erstwhile USSR. It exercised its hegemonic influence even more aggressively after the Cold War. However, US dominance of the world order has been diminishing owing to the Trump administration’s isolationist approach to foreign policy, and the increasing influence of China in world politics. This article examines the catalysing effect of Covid-19 and the rise of China on the current World Order.

    Trump’s policy of disregarding multilateralism and imposing its unilateralism on the world has catalysed into an involuntary retreat, protectionism, and isolationism for the USA with dire consequences for its foreign policy effectiveness.

    Trump’s policy of disregarding multilateralism and imposing its unilateralism on the world has catalysed into an involuntary retreat, protectionism, and isolationism for the USA with dire consequences for its foreign policy effectiveness. The net result is that the world is witnessing an abdication of leadership by America in a world disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. A clear pattern of isolationism can be seen in various actions of the Trump Administration since it’s assumption of the Office. In 2017, the US withdrew from the Paris Agreement, in 2018 it unilaterally reneged from the JCPOA, re-imposed sanctions on Iran and threatened sanctions on allies who supported Iran. In 2019, it withdrew troops from Syria, which led to subsequent Turkish incursion on Rojava Kurds, and in early 2020 it negotiated with the Taliban to enable withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan. With the onset of Covid19 global pandemic, the Trump administration has accused the WHO of protecting China. In a unilateral action not endorsed by its allies, USA first stopped its funding for WHO and then terminated its relationship with the UN institution. This comes as a blow to multilateralism since the US was WHO’s largest donor, contributing about $440 million yearly. In addition to this, the US has failed to provide the lead in the global response to tackle the virus despite its initiatives in the past pandemics such as H1N1, Ebola and the Zika virus. The US was absent from the WHO initiative – Global Coronavirus Response Summit (before its withdrawal from the association). In addition, the US has been unable to provide external aid to combat the virus due to domestic shortages, which explains its restraint to guide an international response in the absence of a coherent domestic plan of action. Thus, the coronavirus pandemic has acted as a catalyst in increasing the pace of US isolationism from world politics.

    China has turned the tide on its previous missteps in containing the virus by publicising its governance model as the most effective way to combat the pandemic.

    Meanwhile, the pandemic has established firmly China’s rise in the international stage. Though China is facing backlash for suppressing details about the virus, it is battling to overcome this criticism by providing international aid and stepping up to lead a global response using Beijing’s success as a template to overcome the novel virus. China has contributed significantly to the global response by providing materials such as ventilators, respirators, masks, protective suits and test kits to Italy, Iran, Serbia, and the whole of Africa. Grabbing its opportunities to lead international responses, China hosted Euro-Asia conference, participated in the Global Coronavirus Summit where it pledged an emergency funding of $20 million to WHO, and pledged $ 2 billion to the WHO (equalling its annual budget) to be disbursed over the next two years, thus contrasting sharply with the US behaviour of withdrawing from the WHO. China has turned the tide on its previous missteps in containing the virus by publicising its governance model as the most effective way to combat the pandemic. It continues to highlight the inadequacies and shortfalls in healthcare systems of the western world as against the success of its governance model, Beijing Consensus, and variations of it in East Asia. It is clear that China has seized the Covid-19 pandemic as a huge opportunity to establish its global leadership.

    Taking advantage of the global disarray due to the pandemic, China has taken strong actions to deflect global criticism of its initial handling of the virus. Two prominent examples of this being, European Union watering down the report on Covid19 disinformation owing to pressure from Beijing, and the passing of the controversial Hong Kong security law. While the US has taken initiative in cracking down on China by repealing the special privileges to Hong Kong, other countries were cautious in retaliating against China significantly and limited their actions to sympathetic support for pro-democracy protestors. The exception to this was Britain, which offered UK citizenship to British National Overseas Passport holders in Hong Kong, despite seriously offending China. Despite the global backlash against Chinese diplomacy in the form of generous aids, international actors have expressed limited concerns through action against Chinese domination. This is due to the circumstantial mismatch in global balancing against China’s rise. The US uses unilateral actions and ‘expects’ its allies to follow, while its allies despite their serious concern over China’s rise, remain vary of following in the American footsteps. This is because US allies treat coronavirus as an immediate threat as opposed to China’s rise. The US being a status quo power is more threatened by China’s rise since it posits as a revisionist state. However, in view of China’s proactive efforts in leading global contributions to battle the coronavirus, US allies remain tolerant of China’s dominance.

    The passive and fractured response to China’s aggressive exploitation of the pandemic to establish its global leadership is a concern for India. The recent setting up of Chinese military camps in Indian controlled territory of Ladakh is a manifestation of China’s complex strategy. India has, true to its traditional policy, opted out of involving the United Statesin the ‘bilateral issue. However, it would be beneficial to be united in balancing against China’s rise. While it is necessary to work together to utilise Global Supply Chains (GSC) during the pandemic to battle the coronavirus pandemic, it is equally important to look at global balancing against China to ensure its compliance to rules-based world order. Since China’s power is derived from its economic strength, balancing strategy against China should focus on trade and economy. Chinese foreign policy depicts a pattern of economic coercion to reward or punish its counterparts. This can be tackled through concerted global action. India is, as one of the largest producer of pharmaceuticals, playing a crucial role in global efforts to fight the pandemic by providing Hydroxychloroquine globally. However, given that most raw materials are sourced from China, balancing against China requires a favourable movement of GSC diversification. US-China trade war has, encouraged companies to move production out of China and into Asian countries such as Vietnam and Taiwan. As a result of the coronavirus crisis and the global backlash, companies look to further diversify their resources and supply chains. India and other Asian countries could benefit from this if they adapt their policies suitably.

    Global backlash against China’s handling of the virus in Wuhan is still a challenge for China’s geopolitical strategy. Its foreign policy is seen more as displaying aggressive and coercive approach than persuasive diplomacy.

    It is difficult to estimate whether China would aspire for hegemonic leadership. Global backlash against China’s handling of the virus in Wuhan is still a challenge for China’s geopolitical strategy. Its foreign policy is seen more as displaying aggressive and coercive approach than persuasive diplomacy. Given the current volatile scenario most countries have, in the absence of US leadership, increased their dependence on China as it is now the largest provider of aid. While all this tips the scale in China’s favour, it’s hegemonic ambitions can be countered through trade strategies as its weakness stems from the fact that it is a hugely export driven economy. Global diversification of supply chains would reduce the world’s increasing dependency on Chinese manufacture and products. The world will need to be cautious as the pandemic has provided China an opportunity to tighten its grip on the global economy as the world’s workshop and technology provider. Here on, international efforts to bandwagon or balance will become a decisive factor in determining China’s rise to apex position in the world order.

     

  • Freedom of Speech and Right to Information amidst the Covid-19 Pandemic

    Freedom of Speech and Right to Information amidst the Covid-19 Pandemic

    The global pandemic hit India in March 2020 and Prime Minister Modi announced a 21 day lockdown beginning on 25th March 2020. Since then the lockdown has been extended multiple times as the country grapples with a major public health crisis. Media houses have been on their feet, both literally and metaphorically, as they cover new stories, cases and most importantly, the state response towards the pandemic. The citizenry relies on news reportage to learn more about their government’s approach towards handling this unconventional situation. Media is often regarded as the fourth pillar of democracy meaning it is a supporting figure for democracy to persist and flourish. The pandemic has exposed some paramount inadequacies in the government’s handling of the situation such as lack of a robust public health infrastructure and other issues. The reportage on such instances has often faced backlash from the government resulting in legal notices against the journalists and media houses. India also dropped two places in the World Press Freedom Index making it 142nd in position citing the curfew in Jammu and Kashmir. The watchdog has also issued a warning about the implications of the pandemic, “the looming health crisis could serve as an excuse for governments to take advantage of the fact that politics are on hold, the public is stunned and protests are out of the question, in order to impose measures that would be impossible in normal times” (Scroll Staff, 2020).

    Media is often regarded as the fourth pillar of democracy meaning it is a supporting figure for democracy to persist and flourish.

     Two patterns can be observed with regards to media freedom in India during a time like this; furthering a certain narrative through misinformation and misrepresentation and carrying out state-sponsored propaganda. In this lockdown, the state wants a narrative which eulogizes their efforts during the lockdown and overall handling the situation. However, there are major loopholes in the measures taken by the government which has led to the system failing its most vulnerable class of individuals; the marginalized and the poor. The state has also taken this time to strike upon certain civil liberties and advance their propaganda by curbing dissent.

     Misinformation and misrepresentation of certain communities has been rampant during this time. Nabeela Khan, in an article called Trends in Covid19 misinformation in India for Health Analytics Asia categorizes the spread of misinformation in four waves. First, misinformation about the origin of the virus, this has been debated not just in India but worldwide where they have accused China of producing this virus in a lab and spreading it to use to its advantage. There have also been multiple other theories available online related to consumption of certain meats in China. Second circulation of old images and videos to create fear, in this case the Tablighi Jamaat incident was highlighted immensely and videos from before the pandemic were used to show that ‘Muslims’ in India spread the virus. Third, on ‘cures’ and prevention techniques which is particularly famous on several WhatsApp groups where home-made remedies of lemon, honey, turmeric or any other ‘Ayurvedic’ cures are posted every day. And fourth, on lockdowns in India, where the news of lockdown being extended were spread even before the official announcements were made. Increasingly, there has been excess confusion over the surging numbers in India and whether or not governments give out the exact figures. Additionally, there is no clarity about government aid and funding towards the poor such as the internal migrants in the country.

    Kaye makes an important point as he says that the governments are using the pandemic as a smokescreen to carry forward their agenda and take actions that they have wanted to take for a long time.

    The UN Special Rapporteur David Kaye, talks to The Lawfare Podcast about his latest UN report Disease, pandemics and the freedom of opinion and expression. Kaye makes an important point as he says that the governments are using the pandemic as a smokescreen to carry forward their agenda and take actions that they have wanted to take for a long time. He gives an example from Hungary where the Press is under strict scrutiny of the government. Since the coronavirus is a recent occurrence, there is not a very large body of information available on it. The information keeps changing as cases increase or decrease, as there are multiple waves of it so the orders issued by the government are subject to change. He also particularly criticizes India for its treatment of Jammu and Kashmir since August 2019 and calls it “a real misuse of the situation”.

     Journalists and activists across the world have been arrested during this lockdown and India is no exception to this trend of suppressing free speech. Siddharth Varadarajan, Gautam Navlakha, Anand Teltumbde, Safoora Zargar, Umar Khalid, Dhaval Patel, Supriya Sharma among many others have either been arrested or served notice by the government during the lockdown. These journalists have either been arrested on the grounds of their reportage of the pandemic, during the pandemic or incidents that took place before the pandemic.

     An FIR was lodged against Siddharth Varadarajan, one of the founding editors of The Wire, an acclaimed media house, on the grounds of making unverifiable claims. Varadarajan tweeted on March 31st saying that UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath had given a go-ahead for the Ram Navami festival to be held from March 25th to April 2nd, in the middle of the lockdown and Yogi also said that “Lord Rama would protect the devotees from coronavirus”. As a matter of fact, it was Acharya Paramhans who gave out this statement and not CM Adityanath and Varadarajan tweeted a clarification the following day. On April 10, police from Ayodhya showed up at his doorstep in Delhi to serve him notice and his wife Nandini Sundar explained this instance elaborately in her tweets. However, this act only suggests the government’s misuse of power and tactics to pursue a culture of intimidation. It could be argued that the journalist was peddling unverified claims but CM Adityanath in fact supported the decision to have a Ram Navami mela. The Wire has published an elaborate FAQs list on this matter explaining every detail of it. It has also been condemned by the Editors’ Guild of India who have called this episode “an overreaction and an act of intimidation”.

     Journalists and activists such as Gautam Navlakha, Anand Teltumbde, Safoora Zargar, Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam etc. have been booked under the UAPA, Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. This Act was formulated as a law in 1967 to prevent any ‘unlawful’ activities or any measures which threatened the integrity and sovereignty of India. In 2004, the UPA government expanded on it further to target terrorist outfits or any organizations harming the state but not individuals. The 2019 Amendment of the Act has entrusted the government with identifying individuals who might be harming the integrity of the state, the definition of which the government decides. The contemporary term used for such people on social media and other platforms is ‘urban naxals’. Student activists and journalists have been booked under this act for protesting against oppressive government laws which promotes a narrative that dissent is by its very nature, ‘anti national’. There have also been cases where activists have been arrested, then granted bail and arrested again based on some other complaint. Safoora Zargar’s case is a particularly complex one in this regard where she was arrested after she was granted bail and was granted bail again recently on humanitarian grounds. Zargar is five months pregnant which was the basis of her bail but the discourse around this has been to release her not because of her pregnancy because dissent is a fundamental right.

    The moment we no longer have a free press, anything can happen. What makes it possible for a totalitarian or any other dictatorship to rule is that people are not informed; how can you have an opinion if you are not informed? If everybody always lies to you, the consequence is not that you believe the lies, but rather that nobody believes anything any longer. This is because lies, by their very nature, have to be changed, and a lying government has constantly to rewrite its own history – Hannah Arendt

     Praveen Swami makes a compelling argument in a FirstPost article about hate speech and freedom of speech. He opines that the response to hate speech is not censorship but plurality where opinions are allowed to coexist. In India, a large part of the Press is controlled and supported by the government leading them to produce streamlined biased news. According to him, alternatives need to come up for hate speech where the dominant narrative does not remain unchallenged.

     To conclude, Hannah Arendt’s cautioning words on freedom of press and misinformation are very relevant today and sounds the alarm bells:

    “The moment we no longer have a free press, anything can happen. What makes it possible for a totalitarian or any other dictatorship to rule is that people are not informed; how can you have an opinion if you are not informed? If everybody always lies to you, the consequence is not that you believe the lies, but rather that nobody believes anything any longer. This is because lies, by their very nature, have to be changed, and a lying government has constantly to rewrite its own history”

     

    Reference

    Bakshi, Asmita (2020, May 31) From Pinjra Tod to Kashmiri Journalists: What’s the Deal with UAPA?. Livemint. Retrieved from https://www.livemint.com/mint-lounge/features/from-pinjra-tod-to-kashmiri-journalists-what-s-the-deal-with-uapa-11590915249625.html

     

    Chakma, Suhas (2020, June 22) FIR Against Supriya Sharma is Emblematic of how the Law is Abused to Throttle Press Freedom. The Wire. Retrieved from https://thewire.in/media/supriya-sharma-fir-abuse-law-press-freedom

     

    Goldsmith, J (Host) (2016, May 16). The Lawfare Podcast: David Kaye on Free Speech During a Pandemic. (Audio podcast episode). In Lawfare. Retrieved from https://www.lawfareblog.com/lawfare-podcast-david-kaye-free-speech-during-pandemic

     Khan, Nabeela (2020, June 12) Trends in Covid19 misinformation in India. Health Asia Analytics. Retrieved from https://www.ha-asia.com/trends-in-covid-19-misinformation-in-india/

     Scroll Staff (2020, April 21) Covid-19: India drops 2 places on World Press Freedom Index, as watchdog warns of pandemic impact. Scroll.in. Retrieved from https://scroll.in/latest/959816/covid-19-india-drops-2-places-on-world-press-freedom-index-as-watchdog-warns-of-pandemics-impact

     Scroll Staff (2017, December 4) Top ten things that Hannah Arendt said that are eerily relevant in today’s times. Scroll.in. Retrieved from https://scroll.in/article/856549/ten-things-hannah-arendt-said-that-are-eerily-relevant-in-todays-political-times

     Swami, Praveen (2020, April 27) Hate speech in the time of a pandemic: Answer to malevolent incendiary language is plurality, not censorship. Firstpost. Retrieved from https://www.firstpost.com/india/hate-speech-in-the-time-of-a-pandemic-answer-to-malevolent-incendiary-language-is-plurality-not-censorship-8295271.html

     The Wire Analysis (2020, April 19) FAQ: What are the UP Police FIRs Against The Wire Actually about? The Wire. Retrieved from https://thewire.in/media/faq-up-police-fir-siddharth-varadarajan

     

    The views expressed are the author’s own.

    Image Credit: Rhy Design and medium.com

     

  • India-China Border Stand-Off

    India-China Border Stand-Off

    On the 5th and 6th May 2020, Chinese incursions were reported at a very large frontage along the Line of Actual Control (LAC); starting from Naku La in north Sikkim, in Finger area of Pangong Tso, in Galwan Valley, Hot springs and Gogra heights located north-east of Galwan Valley. These incursions were a little different from all previous border standoffs. This time the Chinese incursion has been at multiple places and also, they had come prepared with weapons, vehicles and tents. They had come in large numbers with an intent to dig in.
    The issue came to light when scuffles were reported by the media on 10 May that some Chinese had intruded into the Muguthang Valley at Naku La and asked Indians to vacate the area as they claimed that it was their land. A scuffle ensued . According to PTI, the incident involved 150 soldiers. During the incident, the two sides threw stones at each other.

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  • Sanitation & Hygiene Concerns In Government Schools In Tamilnadu: Need For Digital Intervention

    Sanitation & Hygiene Concerns In Government Schools In Tamilnadu: Need For Digital Intervention

    Ensuring that there are proper health and hygiene facilities and awareness for girls at the school level is an extremely important building block for quality education.

    Introduction

    Achieving quality education at school level is a dynamic process that needs to revise the elements according to the needs of the social setting. One such element is a policy that promises an education system to promote gender equality from the grassroots. The problem needs an intervention with an enhanced infrastructure for maintaining sanitation and hygiene for girl students and a holistic understanding of gender issues through awareness that leads to organic social change. The state, undoubtedly, is responsible to ensure quality education and resolve the gaps in education using innovative methods. Tamil Nadu is one of the best performing states as far as literacy rate is concerned. However, realistic social barriers still exist that need intervention and customized strategy. According to the 2011 census, Tamil Nadu stood third after Kerala and Maharashtra. The male literacy rate was around 87% and the female literacy rate was around 73%.
    This article attempts to decode the most important factors,sanitation and hygiene, in ensuring ‘quality’ of education for girls. This particular aspect encompasses three main Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) of the UN; Quality Education, Gender Equality and Water & Sanitation. The last goal of providing access to clean water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) particularly in rural areas is the means to achieve the former two goals of gender equality and quality education.

    Need to prioritize WASH for quality education

    Tamil Nadu employs more than 50% of its women in remunerative labour. Girls tend to drop out of schools either because of customary practices or because of the demand for labour. In some cases The lack of awareness and knowledge on menstruation and menstrual practices are also major factors contributing to this drop out. Despite several initiatives and attempts at establishing proper sanitation and hygiene practices particularly in schools, most of these initiatives fail to gain attention across social barriers, especially those initiatives surrounding menstruation and their importance. This exposes the limitation of community-based initiatives and their impact. Specifically Water, Sanitation and Hygiene practices, commonly known as WASH. Tamil Nadu is estimated to have 6.1 million adolescent girls and yet around 7837 schools have either dysfunctional toilets or no toilet facilities at all. The implication of such poor infrastructure is an adverse impact on learning and results in drop out from schools in most of the cases. Ensuring that there are proper health and hygiene facilities and awareness for girls at the school level is an extremely important building block for quality education.

    The lack of awareness and knowledge on menstruation and menstrual practices are also major factors contributing to this drop out. Despite several initiatives and attempts at establishing proper sanitation and hygiene practices particularly in schools, most of these initiatives fail to gain attention across social barriers, especially those initiatives surrounding menstruation and their importance.

    Access to toilets and sanitation facilities is a privilege that only a few have access to particularly in rural areas where people practice open defecation owing to the lack of toilets. Tamil Nadu has performed brilliantly in this respect since the implementation of Swachh Bharat Abhiyan Scheme in 2014. Over 48 lakh toilets were built in rural areas since 2014, with Tamil Nadu becoming an open-defecation free state.
    The Government of India recognized the role played by sanitation and hygiene in ensuring that quality education is delivered. In 2014, the MHRD had launched the ‘Swachh Bharat Swachh Vidyalay’ initiative. The scheme was implemented to ensure that there were separate functional toilets for girls and boys. In addition to ensuring separate toilets, the scheme also focuses on maintaining a certain level of hygiene and sanitation. While it is not enough that this initiative has been implemented in schools across the country, it is also important that parents, teachers and children are aware of the same. Proper hygiene and sanitation does not end in school, it is imperative that this awareness is spread in local communities and villages as well. As a part of the scheme, government schools in rural and urban areas are eligible to nominate themselves for the ‘Swachh Vidyalay Puraskar’. This acts as an incentive for schools across the country to improve their WASH standards.

    Capitalizing the Digital Wave

    With Tamil Nadu’s rural internet penetration through mobile phones at 41.98%, there is a significant potential that can be tapped in the state’s ICT usage. While creating awareness is one side of the coin, spreading awareness is another. This is where the potential of ICT can be harnessed, in spreading awareness. The government of Tamil Nadu has made available textbooks, lessons and other educational material on their ‘DIKSHA’ portal which is essentially a YouTube channel. On this channel, students from different classes can access their study material. This could be one of the possible means through which awareness can be created across districts and villages on the importance of sanitation and hygiene.
    Some of the government schools in Tamil Nadu have demonstrated an exceptional WASH record, thereby proving the fact that if the administration is focused the results can be excellent as shown by Thiruvallur and Vellore districts. Schools in these districts have maintained excellent sanitation and hygiene standards and have been recipients of the SVP. The initiatives taken by these schools to spread awareness on the importance of sanitation and hygiene have largely been behaviour oriented. By involving parents and the larger community, these initiatives have been successful and effective as well. Community-based initiatives are to create and spread awareness on various social welfare schemes. Apart from creating awareness, such initiatives also tend to bring communities together. The implementation of the SBSV scheme has facilitated the use of ICT as well. While the integration of ICT in the process is a welcome change, there is a lack of clarity on what exactly it is being used for.

    Importance of awareness on Menstrual Hygiene

    It has been established that several initiatives were taken in the past and are being taken to improve ‘WASH’ practices in the country, particularly in schools to improve enrollment rates as well as reduce dropout rates. Educational institutions in the country, particularly schools have an inherent responsibility to educate adolescent girls on menstruation, talk about the changes it brings about in a girl’s body. A 2014 report by Dasra foundation posits that close to 23 million girls drop out of school annually due to a lack of awareness. 79% of girls and women in Tamil Nadu were not aware of menstrual hygiene and practices that are followed at the time of menstruation. Lack of awareness of menstrual hygiene and the practices that are required to be followed at the time of menstruation makes a girl/woman extremely susceptible to infections. This is largely attributed to the stigma that is created around menstruation and the notion that it is an ‘impure’ phenomena. A study conducted in 2015, in Padappai, points out that only 43.33% of girls were aware of menstruation when they experienced it the first time. The source of information in most of these cases was the mother while the teachers and schools had a very small part to play in the process. Therefore, a layer of stigma surrounding the issue is apparent that is far from being institutionalized. Institutionalizing the issue would lead to it being discussed in schools, which in turn would normalize it and break the stigma around it. There are a plethora of possibilities that ICT brings about. Schools could tap into this potential and make use of it to communicate effectively to their students. In rural India particularly, simply creating awareness and breaking the stigma around menstruation will not suffice. Often, this stigma is reinforced by women in the family. In order to move beyond this, schools must ensure that lessons on menstruation are conducted for both girls and boys alike. Not only does this induce awareness among boys but it also makes them more sensitive to the issue.

    A 2014 report by Dasra foundation posits that close to 23 million girls drop out of school annually due to a lack of awareness. 79% of girls and women in Tamil Nadu were not aware of menstrual hygiene and practices that are followed at the time of menstruation.

    Awareness through Digital Platform

    Tried and tested methods of spreading awareness in a community has generated results but is not enough. Improving sanitation and hygiene standards in learning institutions requires the participation of all the stakeholders involved in the process. While this may be an initial attempt at de-stigmatizing the issue, undoing centuries of discrimination and oppression requires a systemic approach. Tamil Nadu government’s ‘DIKSHA’ portal is a good place to start. In addition to developing online resources, there must also be some sort of portal that mandates uploading information related to the sanitation and hygiene measures that are being taken in schools. Additionally, it is important to use digital interventions to create awareness and reinforce the message in a timely manner. While infrastructure creation is a part of the goal, it is equally important to establish the need for it and educate people. This is where the digital intervention comes into the picture. One of the goals in Tamil Nadu’s Vision 2023 Project is to encourage PPP as a mechanism for infrastructure creation. This could be one of the potential means through which awareness is spread by introducing digital interventions in rural areas. It could either include installing a TV in Gram Panchayat offices which could display campaigns on the importance of sanitation and hygiene/menstrual hygiene, etc. With respect to creating awareness on menstrual hygiene which is a systemic issue because of the stigma attached to it – the solution needs to be systemic as well. For starters, creating conversation around menstruation is extremely important. Something called the ‘culture of silence’ exists in Kenya particularly in rural areas where girls refrain from speaking about menstruation and puberty. Identifying practices like this is a start when it comes to de-stigmatizing menstruation. While removing GST on sanitary napkins is one way to make the product more accessible, it is important to make people realize why there is a need for using one in the first place and the consequences of not using it. This brings us to the question of whether it is enough for the state to build infrastructure alone and if its responsibility ends there as opposed to also creating awareness on how to go about using the said infrastructure as well as educating people on its importance.

    Ensuring Effective Policies

    Some of the government schools in Tamil Nadu have demonstrated an exceptional WASH record, thereby proving the fact that if the administration is focused the results can be excellent as shown by Thiruvallur and Vellore districts. Schools in these districts have maintained excellent sanitation and hygiene standards and have been recipients of the SVP.

    Initiatives like the SBA, SBSV and SVP are focussed around creating infrastructure and incentivizing schools to implement hygiene practices. Sanitation happens to be a state subject, and each state faces its own challenges with respect to addressing the problem. For instance in a state like Tamil Nadu where there is decent infrastructure, the drop-out rate for girls is still on the higher side. A lack of awareness on menstrual hygiene has also contributed to the drop-out rates in the state. Evidence suggests that not all government schools in Tamil Nadu have toilets and the ones that have toilets, do not maintain them well. Perhaps now the state must implement initiatives that focus on capacity building and behavioural change in order to ensure that the results are more impactful and also long-lasting. The initiatives that the state implements in the future must focus on intrinsically motivating people to implement sanitation and hygiene practices in their lives. Apart from that, the state must also conduct follow-up workshops that engage with people and communities and teach them how to use toilets, etc. In addition, whenever a new initiative/scheme is launched, state governments must also make sure that there are bodies/committees in place in every district that happens to be a beneficiary of the scheme. As communication becomes easier and more efficient in the digital age, initiatives that are implemented in the future must focus on knowledge creation.

    References

    https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/gender-dimensions-of-school-closures-in-india-during-covid19-lessons-from-ebola-66643/https://poshan.outlookindia.com/story/poshan-news-strong-connect-between-sanitation-and-health/348492https://swachhindia.ndtv.com/23-million-women-drop-out-of-school-every-year-when-they-start-menstruating-in-india-17838/https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6286883/http://sujal-swachhsangraha.gov.in/sites/default/files/Five%20schools-%20WASH%20in%20School%20-%20practices%2C%20Tamil%20Nadu-%20Clean%20school%20.pdfhttps://mhrd.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/upload_document/Swachh_Vidyalay_Puraskar_Guidelines.pdfhttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/294638502_Awareness_about_menstrual_hygiene_among_adolescent_girls_in_rural_area_of_Kancheepuram_district_-_Tamilnaduhttps://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/tn-second-in-rural-smartphone-use/articleshow/67291628.cmshttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/333561228_Availability_and_Utilization_of_Sanitation_Facilities_A_Micro_Study_from_Rural_Tamil_Naduhttps://swachhindia.ndtv.com/swachh-bharat-abhiyan-tamil-nadu-to-go-open-defecation-free-on-october-2-25278/#:~:text=Tamil%20Nadu’s%20Swachh%20Bharat%20Abhiyan%20Journey&text=The%20state%20has%20a%20total,declared%20free%20from%20open%20defecation.&text=Tamil%20Nadu%20has%20improved%20its,per%20cent%20in%20four%20years.&text=Over%2048%20lakh%20toilets%20(48,since%202014%20in%20rural%20areas.https://www.wsscc.org/2016/08/10/wsscc-menstrual-hygiene-management-training-kenya-breaks-silence-menstruation/

  • India-China Trade In Ancient Times: Southern Silk Route

    India-China Trade In Ancient Times: Southern Silk Route

    To follow the Silk Road is to follow a ghost. It flows through the heart of Asia, but it has officially vanished leaving behind the pattern of its restlessness: counterfeit borders, unmapped peoples. The road forks and wanders wherever you are. It is not a single way, but many: a web of choices.

    Colin Thubron, Shadow of the Silk Road.

    Introduction

    India and China, two Asian giants, share a lot of similarities in terms of history and culture. Both countries represent age old civilizations and unique history. Cultural and economic ties between the two countries date back to about 2000 years ago. The Silk Route, which is an ancient network of trade routes, formally established by the Han Dynasty, served as a connection between the two countries. It was also through this route that Buddhism spread to China and East Asia from India. The routes were more than just trade routes; it was the carrier of ideas, innovations, inventions, discoveries, myths and many more.
    The earliest mention of China can be found in the Indian text “Arthashastra” which was written by Kautilya in the fourth century BC. Kautilya made a remark about Cinapattasca Cinabhumjia (Cinapatta is a product of China)[1]. Whereas, the earliest mention of India in Chinese records dates between 130 and 125 BC. Zhang Qian, a Chinese envoy to Central Asia, referred to India as Shendu, in his report about India to Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty.
    This article will look into the ancient trade route that existed between South Western China and India’s North East region via Myanmar and the future of the trade route.

    Ancient trade links between India and China

    Shiji, which is the first Chinese dynastic history, compiled between 104 and 87 BCE talks about the existence of a trading route between India and South West China. According to Chinese records, Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty, tried to establish a trade route from Changan, the Chinese capital to North East India through Yunnan and adjoining areas. However, the rulers of Yunnan were against the idea of establishing a direct trade between India and China and Emperor Wu failed to establish the trade route. Even though the trade route failed to take off, the trade in Cinapatta and Chinese square bamboo continued without any hindrance.

    Political Geography of the Southern Silk Route

    The Southern Silk route (SSR), one of the least studied overland route, is a trade route which is about 2000 km long and linked East and North East India with Yunnan Province of China via Myanmar. This is a relatively unknown, ancient trade route that is considered a part of the larger web of Silk Roads. This route existed before the Central Asian Silk route became popular. This trade route between Eastern India and China came to be known during the early 3rd century BCE, and it became popular by the 2nd century BCE. By 7th century AD various other branches of the SSR emerged to create web of trading routes.
    Traders carried silk from Yunnan through Myanmar, across India and joined the main silk route in Afghanistan. In addition, silk was also transported from South West China through the Shan states and North Myanmar into East India and then down to the Coromandel Coast.
    The Qing dynasty which ruled China from 1644-1912, recorded the cross cultural exchanges that took place across SSR. This route contributed to cultural exchanges between China and the West. It also promoted interactions among different nationalities.
    Indian sources have failed to provide abundant evidence about the SSR and the interaction that took place across this route but there is enough evidence that indicates that trade and migration did take place in the Eastern India-Upper Myanmar-Yunnan region. For example, modern scholars believed that the Tai Ahoms were originally from Yunnan but they migrated to North East India and founded a small kingdom around 13th century, which grew to become the powerful Ahom Kingdom of Assam.
    The areas through which the SSR passed were inhabited by various ethnic groups whose political, social and economic organizations were primitive and backward. As a result, the safety of the route was often questioned. Archeological evidences have been found along the Southern banks of Brahmaputra up to Myanmar border, which shows that trade did exist along this route.
    The main items that were exported from China via this route included Silk, Sichuan cloth, Bamboo walking sticks, ironware and other handicrafts items. Sichuan, a South Western province was the main source of silk. Glass beads, jewels, emeralds etc were some of the items that were imported to China.
    Another important trade route is the South West Silk route or the Sikkim Silk route, which connected Yunnan, and India through Tibet. A section of the route from Lhasa crossing Chumbi Valley, Nathu La Pass connected to the Tamralipta Port (present day Tamluk in West Bengal). From the Tamralipta port, this trade route took to the sea to traverse to Sri Lanka, Bali, Java and other parts of the Far East. Another section of the route crossed Myanmar and entered India through Kamrup (Assam) and connected the ports of Bengal and present day Bangladesh.
    Over time, the Southern Silk Route lost its prominence and it was in 1885 that it re- emerged as a strategic link as the British tried to control some parts of the route in order to access and gain control over Southern China.
    The strategic importance of the route increased during World War II. In 1945, Ledo Road or Stilwell Road was constructed from Ledo, Assam to Kunming, Yunnan to supply aid and troops to China for the war with Japan. Ledo Road is the shortest land route between North East India and South West China. However, after the war the road was left unused and in 2010, BBC reported that much of the Ledo road has been swallowed up by jungle.
    The Assam-Myanmar-Yunnan road is very difficult to traverse not only in the present times but also during the ancient times. However, despite the hard conditions, it is through this route that a golden triangle of drug trafficking, movement of terrorist and smuggling functions today.

    Future Potential: Reviving the Southern Silk Route Economy

    North-East India and the Yunnan province share many similarities. Both are landlocked as well as under developed regions. Both are home to a large number of ethnic groups and have witnessed secessionist movement from time to time. Apart from this, Yunnan and North East India are geographically isolated from their political capitals.
    Yunnan and North East India, home to rich varieties of subtropical fruits with high nutritional values and medicinal plants, can cooperate and transform the hills of North East India and South West China into plantations, factories, laboratories to produce processed food products and lifesaving drugs that can find a huge market in developing and developed countries.
    In a bid to revive the Southern Silk route, Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar, signed the Kunming Initiative, a sub-regional organization, in 1999. This initiative was replaced by the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) in 2015. The BCIM-EC was announced by China as a part of its Belt-Road Initiative, which has been boycotted by India since the beginning. In 2019, the BCIM-EC was dropped from the list of 35 projects that are to be undertaken under BRI, indicating that China has disreagrded the project. However, in the same year India has sought to keep the BCIM-EC project alive.
    If the BCIM-EC project does take place, it will reduce the travel time, cut transportation cost, open up markets, provide way for joint exploration and development of natural resources and create production bases along the way. Before the BCIM-EC takes off, it is important to develop the roadways infrastructure of India’s North East region.
    Even though the BCIM-EC promises to elevate the economic conditions of the backward North-East region of India, it has not gained sufficient steam as both China and India have different apprehensions. China sees India’s reluctance to support BRI as the barrier for any progress in the project. Given the current stand-off in Ladakh, India’s apprehensions about China seeking to exploit the insurgent groups operating in the region gains significance. Either way realizing the Southern Silk Road as a viable project in the form of BCIM-Economic Corridor looks distant now.
    [1]Haraprasad Ray, “Southern Silk Route: A Perspective,” in The Southern Silk Route : Historical Links and Contemporary Convergences (Routledge, 2019).

    References

    Ray, Haraprasad. “Southern Silk Route: A Perspective.” Essay. In The Southern Silk Route: Historical Links and Contemporary Convergences. Routledge, 2019.
    “Continental and Maritime Silk Routes: Prospects of India- China Co-operations.” In Proceedings of the 1st ORF-ROII Symposium. Kunming, 2015.
    Mukherjee, Rila. “Routes into the Present.” Essay. In Narratives, Routes and Intersections in Pre-Modern Asia, 37–40. Routledge, 2017.
    UNESCO. Accessed June 20, 2020. https://en.unesco.org/silkroad/content/did-you-know-great-silk-roads.
    “The Silk Route.” Accessed June 21, 2020. http://www.sikkimsilkroute.com/about-silk-route/.
    Ray, Haraprasad. Introduction. In North East India’s Place in India-China Relations and Its Future Role in India’s Economy, n.d.
    Chowdhury, Debasish Roy. “’Southern Silk Road’ Linking China and India Seen as Key to Boosting Ties.” South China Morning Post, October 23, 2013.
    “China Wants to Revive ‘Southern Silk Road’ with India.” The Times of India, June 9, 2013.

    Image: Stilwel Road from Ledo in Northeast India to Kunming in Yunnan province, China

  • Genetic Engineering Key To Developing COVID-19 Vaccine

    Genetic Engineering Key To Developing COVID-19 Vaccine

    Scientists throughout the world are engaged in a herculean effort to develop a vaccine for the COVID-19 virus that has killed hundreds of thousands of people and decimated global economic activity. Without such a vaccine, normal life as we knew it before the pandemic began is unlikely to return any time soon.

    The key to such a vaccine is genetic engineering, which has already resulted in the development of several successful vaccines.

    The key to such a vaccine is genetic engineering, which has already resulted in the development of several successful vaccines. The active ingredients for the HPV (Human Papillomavirus Virus) vaccine, for example, are proteins produced from genetically modified bacteria. The hepatitis B vaccine, Erevebo, a vaccine for Ebola, manufactured by Merck, and the rotavirus vaccine are other examples of GE vaccines. A genetically modified rabies vaccine has been created for dogs and cattle.With these successes in mind, experts anticipate that recent advancements in genetic engineering could substantially shorten the development timeline for a COVID-19 vaccine. It takes on average ten to fifteen years to develop a vaccine, and the most rapidly developed vaccine was a mumps immunization, which still required four years to develop from collecting viral samples to licensing a drug in 1967.

    Time is clearly of the essence as there is the potential for a second wave of COVID-19 infections in the fall and winter, which would have further negative implications for public health and the global economy. The sooner we have a vaccine, the better off we’ll be, though serious logistical challenges remain.

    The Vaccine Race Begins

    On January 10, 2020, Chinese scientists greatly aided the vaccine development effort by publishing the genome of the novel coronavirus, SARS-COV-2. The virus is widely believed to have originated in bats near the city of Wuhan, China. It then jumped to another species, which was consumed by humans at the wet markets of Wuhan or came into direct contact with humans in some other way.

    After examining the genome, Dan Barouch, the Director of Virology and Vaccine research at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center in Boston, said, “I realized immediately that no one would be immune to it,” underscoring the importance of quickly developing an effective immunization.

    More than 120 possible vaccines are in various stages of development throughout the world, most of which are gene based with the hope that an effective and safe vaccine can be produced by the end of 2020 or early in 2021. This would be an astonishing accomplishment. By comparison, the Ebola vaccine, which is also genetically engineered, took five years to develop.Ken Frazier, the Chief Executive of Merck, which is working on a vaccine for COVID-19, has tried to dampen down expectations for a quick breakthrough, saying the goal to develop a vaccine within the next 12-18 months is “very aggressive. It is not something I would put out there that I would want to hold Merck to …vaccines should be tested in very large clinical trials that take several months if not years to compete. You want to make sure that when you put a vaccine into millions if not billions of people, it is safe.”
    Peter Bach, the Director of the Center for Health Policy and Outcomes at Memorial Sloan Kettering, added, “To get a vaccine by 2021 would be like drawing multiple inside straights in a row.”

    Genetic Engineering Is Our Best Bet

    To create a genetically engineered vaccine, scientists are utilizing information from the genome of the COVID-19 virus to create blueprint antigens (a toxin or other foreign substance which provokes an immune response that produces antibodies), which consists of DNA or RNA molecules that contain genetic instructions. The DNA or RNA would be injected into human cells where upon it is hoped the cell will use those instructions to create an immune response. If this type of vaccine is developed, it could offer protection for many years as the COVID-19 virus does not appear to mutate as quickly as influenza, though this critical variable could change in the future.
    RNA vaccines are considered to be better at stimulating the immune system to create antibodies. They also create a more potent immune response and therefore require a lower dosage. However, they are less stable than DNA vaccines, which can withstand higher temperatures; RNA vaccines, though, can be degraded by heat and thus need to be kept frozen or refrigerated.

    The DNA or RNA would be injected into human cells where upon it is hoped the cell will use those instructions to create an immune response. If this type of vaccine is developed, it could offer protection for many years as the COVID-19 virus does not appear to mutate as quickly as influenza, though this critical variable could change in the future.

    The Risks Of Moving Quickly

    Vaccine development is traditionally a lengthy process because researchers have to confirm that the drug is reasonably safe and effective. After the basic functionality of a vaccine is confirmed in a lab culture, it is tested on animals to assess its safety and determine if it provokes an immune response. If the vaccine passes that test, it is then tested on a small group of people in a phase one trial to see if it is safe, then in a phase two trial on a larger group of people. And if it passes those hurdles, a larger scale phase three trial is designed, which would involve at least 10,000 people.

    These trials are necessary because trying to develop a vaccine quickly can compromise its safety and efficacy. For example, the US government rushed a mass immunization program to prevent a swine These trials are necessary because trying to develop a vaccine quickly can compromise its safety and efficacy. For example, the US government rushed a mass immunization program to prevent a swine flu epidemic in 1976 that may have caused an increase in the number of reported cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, which can cause paralysis, respiratory arrest and death. The pandemic never materialized, though widespread public concern about flu immunization did.

    Many Challenges Remain

    Historically, the odds of producing a safe and effective vaccine are small, with just six percent of vaccines under development ever making it to the market. There are many diseases and viruses for which there are no vaccines (for example HIV/AIDS, Zika, Epstein-Barr and the common cold, among many others), even though great efforts have been made to develop them. Therefore, despite the gigantic efforts of drug companies and governments to produce a COVID-19 vaccine in the shortest possible period, there is no guarantee they will be successful.
    epidemic in 1976 that may have caused an increase in the number of reported cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, which can cause paralysis, respiratory arrest and death. The pandemic never materialized, though widespread public concern about flu immunization did.Soumya Swaminathan, the chief scientist for the World Health Organization said that an “optimistic scenario” is one in which tens of millions of doses could be produced and initially distributed to health care workers. Mass immunizations could begin in 2022, but to inoculate the world and “defeat” COVID-19 could take four to five years. She added, however, that this outcome “depended upon whether the virus mutates, whether it becomes more or less virulent, more or less transmittable.”
    epidemic in 1976 that may have caused an increase in the number of reported cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, which can cause paralysis, respiratory arrest and death. The pandemic never materialized, though widespread public concern about flu immunization did.

    The COVID-19 virus highlights just how vulnerable humankind is to the natural world, which periodically produces pandemics such as the Spanish flu, the Bubonic plague, Polio and Asian flu that have the ability to kill many millions of people.

    Assuming the virus doesn’t mutate, there are many logistical challenges that could slow mass immunization once a vaccine is developed. There is no precedent for scaling up a vaccine to potentially several billion doses. To do so would require a great deal of investment in vaccine production facilities throughout the world. Manufacturers would also have to scale up the production of vials, syringes, band aids and refrigeration units for temperature-sensitive vaccines.
    epidemic in 1976 that may have caused an increase in the number of reported cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, which can cause paralysis, respiratory arrest and death. The pandemic never materialized, though widespread public concern about flu immunization did.Additionally, it is not known if the vaccine would require one or two doses to confer immunity, or if it would have to be re-administered every few years. We would also have to determine how a vaccine would be shared internationally. There would clearly be tremendous pressure for any country that developed a vaccine to use it domestically before sharing it with other nations. It’s also possible that the race to develop a COVID-19 vaccine could siphon off dollars and manpower dedicated to developing treatments and vaccines for other deadly diseases.
    epidemic in 1976 that may have caused an increase in the number of reported cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, which can cause paralysis, respiratory arrest and death. The pandemic never materialized, though widespread public concern about flu immunization did.Among the most difficult public policy questions we’ll have to face, would the vaccine be made mandatory? The possibility has already triggered push back from vaccine skeptics who view such a policy as a threat to their “inalienable sovereignty” as free individuals.
    epidemic in 1976 that may have caused an increase in the number of reported cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, which can cause paralysis, respiratory arrest and death. The pandemic never materialized, though widespread public concern about flu immunization did.The COVID-19 virus highlights just how vulnerable humankind is to the natural world, which periodically produces pandemics such as the Spanish flu, the Bubonic plague, Polio and Asian flu that have the ability to kill many millions of people. Despite the inevitable challenges and trade-offs we face, the new tools of genetic engineering offer us the best chance of controlling, and possibly eliminating, the outbreak of future pandemics.
    This article is published earlier on 23 June 2020 in Genetic Literacy Project.
    This article, with images, is reproduced under ‘Fair Use of Articles & Images’ policy of GLP – https://geneticliteracyproject.org

  • Life In Post-370 Kashmir: Battling The Pandemic Amid Communications Blockade

    Life In Post-370 Kashmir: Battling The Pandemic Amid Communications Blockade

    When British sovereignty over India lapsed in 1947, Kashmir, the Muslim majority state under the rule of Hindu ruler Maharaja Hari Singh chose to remain independent. However, that independence was short lived as Pakistani raiders invaded Kashmir and Hari Singh turned to India for assistance. India promised to help on the condition that Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession, according to which defence, communication and external affairs of the state will be handed over to the Indian administration. Since then Kashmir had enjoyed special status under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. Under article 370, Kashmir had its own state flag, constitution and autonomy over the internal administration of the state. With Article 370 along with Article 35A, the residents of Jammu and Kashmir lived under a separate set of laws, including those related to citizenship, ownership of property and fundamental rights, as compared to residents of other Indian states.Kashmir has been in the midst of unrest and turmoil for decades, as Pakistan inspired religious fundamentalism led to the growth of terrorism and insurgency. Constant communication and internet ban, and curfew have been part of everyday life for the people of Kashmir. Kashmir accounts for about 60% of the communication and internet ban that happens in India. Internet in the valley was cut off for four months in 2016 following the uprising after the killing of Burhan Wani.
    On 5th August 2019, the BJP-led Indian government, headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi stripped Kashmir of its special status by revoking Article 370. Home Minister Amit Shah introduced the Jammu and Kashmir Re- organization Bill in the Parliament and was passed with a majority. The ‘Jammu and Kashmir Re-organisation Bill‘ divided the erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories – Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh.

    Over the last five decades and more, Article 370 has been hollowed out by various governments that were in power in the erstwhile state.

    Analysis and contention that Article 370, in its present form has been diluted over the years and that it existed just in name is indeed true. Over the last five decades and more, Article 370 has been hollowed out by various governments that were in power in the erstwhile state. Despite this, Article 370 guaranteed the people of Kashmir certain benefits such as exclusive land rights and job reservation among others. With the scrapping of Article 370, people of the valley fear that it will usher in a change in the demographics of the erstwhile state. As J&K loses it special status, people will lose their exclusive land rights, various reservations and other benefits that they enjoyed. There is also a fear among the people that with the scrapping, settler colonization will take place in the valley like it happened in Palestine.Following the announcement, the valley was placed under a lockdown including communication and internet ban. Several political leaders including former chief minister Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti were placed under house arrest. Opinions of the leaders of the valley were not taken into consideration before the Indian government decided to scrap article 370. Kashmir politics, over the years, has been dominated by narrow selfish interests of political parties and political families, which has led to significant loss of confidence of the people. Continued terrorism and religious fundamentalism has vitiated the atmosphere over decades. In such an environment it is difficult to ascertain peoples’ perception of the government’s action, as self-proclaimed leaders may not reflect the ground situation. The central government, armed with extensive intelligence inputs and analysis, feels that the region’s 1.25 crore people long for economic development, better quality of life, and better opportunities in education and employment. However, imposition of a complete lockdown of the valley for nearly six months may have been counterproductive. The situation became more complicated as the Covid-19 pandemic hit the valley.

    Statistics, however, tell a different story – Jammu and Kashmir did better than several other Indian states including Gujarat, the “model state”, in terms of human development index, infant mortality rate, life expectancy etc.

    Home Minister Amit Shah claimed that Article 370 led to isolation of J&K from the rest of India and was the root cause of armed militancy, poor economic growth, and poverty in the valley. Statistics, however, tell a different story – Jammu and Kashmir did better than several other Indian states including Gujarat, the “model state”, in terms of human development index, infant mortality rate, life expectancy etc. Regarding the statement that Article 370 facilitated militancy in the valley, there has been no evidence to prove the same. However, militants care little about Article 370. There has been no decline in militant activities even after the abrogation of Article 370. Militant attacks and counter-insurgency operations continue at high intensity.The aftermath of the decision saw communication and internet being suspended or curtailed effectively for 9 months. The justification given by the government was to stop the spread of false information and prevent terrorist activities in the valley. This communication blockade was the longest in the history of a democratic country and it cut off Kashmir from the rest of the world. Adverse impact on education has been huge due to the lockdown. As educational institutions remain closed for nearly 8 months, education in the valley has taken a back seat. Even when situation in the valley seemed to return to normalcy, parents were unwilling to send their children to school. As the world was hit with the Covid-19 pandemic, schools and universities across the country and the world have resorted to online classes but that is not the case in Kashmir. It is a challenge for students to use online classes on the 2G network that is currently allowed in the valley. It is practically impossible to load and download the study materials in a 2G network. Even this network, primitive by today’s standards, is often unstable and unreliable.
    In March 2020,exactly after 213 days, internet service i.e. only 2G service, was restored in the valley but it was snapped again on May 6 after security forces closed in on Hizbul Mujahedeen Commander Riyaz Naikoo. The frequent communication blockade is of serious concern at a time when the world is fighting the Covid pandemic. Militant activities continue to disrupt peace and security, as is seen by the latest snapping of internet amid CASO (cordon and search operations) launched by J&K police in Srinagar district. India shuts down internet more than any other democracy in the world.

    It is of utmost importance that the Centre restore high speed internet service in the valley so that people can receive information on Covid-19 in local language and help prevent the spread of the virus.

    The valley was declared a red zone as the number of covid cases in the union territory crossed 6424 and recorded 90 deaths. Disruption of communications has made the battle against Covid-19 difficult as it causes delays in taking the necessary steps to fight the pandemic. Even before the internet was snapped on May 6, doctors across the valley faced difficulty in downloading the guidelines issued by WHO. With limited access to internet, healthcare workers across the valley find it difficult to access regular updates, research and announcements regarding the pandemic and accurate tracking of transmission within the region. People support groups are helping each other in this time of crisis. Apart from Covid related restrictions issued via newspapers, radio and SMS, there is no access to campaigns designed for social media. With the lack of reliable information, there is a high possibility for misinformation. It is of utmost importance that the Centre restore high speed internet service in the valley so that people can receive information on Covid-19 in local language and help prevent the spread of the virus.Terrorist and insurgent outfits are revamping their tactics to exploit the pandemic situation and widen the pre-existing schisms. Infiltrations have increased as recent spurt in terrorist encounters indicate. The Covid-19 pandemic has added to the difficult situation in which the people of Kashmir are stuck in. The future of Kashmir looms in darkness due to the pandemic and several other challenges that most states have never and most likely will never experience. Kashmir was shut down through a state imposed lockdown in August 2020. As it was emerging from the lockdown towards normalcy, the pandemic brought about a lockdown that now has the peoples’ consent for the first time. This has turned out to be the world’s longest lockdown. However, the pandemic has provided the government an opportunity to get closer to the people by providing rehabilitation assistance, food supplies, and facilitating educational improvisations amid communications breakdown. Amid the pandemic crisis, the state becomes an test case for democracies across the world for the battle between control for ‘development’ and control of ‘liberty’.Image Credit: Deccan Herald

  • India-Australia Strategic Partnership: Leveraging Aerospace Capacity

    India-Australia Strategic Partnership: Leveraging Aerospace Capacity

    Category : India India’s, Military, India-Australia Relations
    Title : India-Australia strategic partnership: Leveraging aerospace capacity
    Author : M Matheswaran 02-06-2020

    The forthcoming virtual summit between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison assumes considerable significance for an India-Australia strategic partnership, particularly as it comes against the backdrop of heightened friction with China for both countries. Enhanced defence cooperation between the two countries could be an important signal to Beijing of the costs of overly assertive strategic behaviour – whether in the Himalaya or in trade. For some years, defence cooperation has largely focused on the naval relationship. Now is the time for enhanced air-power cooperation.

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  • ASEAN Unity Critical for South China Sea:  But Time to Address Newer Issues

    ASEAN Unity Critical for South China Sea: But Time to Address Newer Issues

    Perhaps the most defining character of the ASEAN in the last six decades of its existence has been ‘Unity’ among its Member States who have scrupulously adhered to the fundamental principles contained in the various treaties signed by the Member States. The ‘ASEAN Way’ is unique and helps them to remain ‘united’ despite diversity in their political systems, national economic indicators, development levels, and military capabilities. ASEAN has also done well to be labelled as the ‘driver of regional integration’ and promoted a variety of regional political, security and economic initiatives to ensure peace and stability. It has managed with sophistication and alacrity relations with its partner countries bilaterally as also through multilateral structure.

    The ‘ASEAN Way’ is unique and helps them to remain ‘united’ despite diversity in their political systems, national economic indicators, development levels, and military capabilities.

    ASEAN’s engagements with China are through various political and diplomatic exchanges such as Summits and several ASEAN led mechanisms also provide opportunities to its Member States to engage China. The free trade agreement (FTA) is particularly important and catalytic for trade and both sides have taken upon themselves to accelerate negotiations of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

    At the strategic level, ASEAN Member States have been quite disillusioned with China over its intention to resolve disputes in South China Sea; but the ASEAN leadership has assiduously pursued the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea and succeeded in completing the first reading of the Single Draft COC Negotiating Text. It is now putting pressure on China to quickly conclude the CoC in the stipulated timeframe to ensure region remains peaceful and stable to enable member countries to invest in national and regional development.

    Ironically some ASEAN Member States have not been keen to openly making reference to Chinese reclamation in South China Sea and near continuous buildup of military infrastructure on islands and features in the Parcels and the Spratly group of islands.

    The report card of ASEAN Unity vis a vis China, so far, has been just about quite decent with at least two exceptions when China was suspected of interfering in ASEAN matters; first in 2012, Cambodia resisted reference to South China Sea in the Chairman’s statement, and again in 2016 soon after the South China Sea Arbitration award.[i]

    Ironically some ASEAN Member States have not been keen to openly making reference to Chinese reclamation in South China Sea and near continuous buildup of military infrastructure on islands and features in the Parcels and the Spratly group of islands. While Vietnam and the Philippines have openly confronted China over their claims in South China Sea, Malaysia chose to pursue “quiet diplomacy” but has stubbornly displayed “lawfare in the South China Sea”;[ii] Brunei has remained quiet because its policy makers “see little choice but to remain quiescent about its dispute with China,” Notwithstanding that, the Chairman’s Statement of the 36th ASEAN Summit 26 June 2020 is a clear display of their ‘unity’ and they have collectively expressed concerns on the Chinese activities and recognised the seriousness of a series of incident at sea which have eroded trust and confidence.

    To some extent ASEAN has succeeded in internationalising the Chinese non-compliance of international treaties such as the 1982 UNCLOS to which Beijing is a signatory.

    Today, South China Sea issue has made global headlines. The US has unabashedly rejected Chinese claims over South China Sea and China is accused of not adhering to internal law. To some extent ASEAN has succeeded in internationalizing the Chinese non-compliance of international treaties such as the 1982 UNCLOS to which Beijing is a signatory as also retained a “minimal formal consensus on the South China Sea, rejecting the pernicious idea that the waterway is only the concern of littoral states, and resisting Chinese pressures to avoid discussion of the issue in ASEAN -led forums, certainly contributed to this outcome.”[iii]

    Perhaps it is time for the ASEAN to bring to the forefront the Lachang-Mekong river issue. Several trans-boundary river management issues and concerns between China (the upper riparian and Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam (the lower riparian) have emerged over the years. China has been building dams on the river and its tributaries; has avoided sharing full hydrological data particularly during dry seasons; and released river water untimely. The lower riparian states have called for a ‘code of conduct’ and a ‘rule based trans-boundary resource management’ mechanism for the Mekong River between the upper and the lower riparian states.[iv]

    It is tempting to believe that China has successfully stifled lower riparian member states concerns through sops and infrastructure development projects under the Belt and Road Initiative. Interestingly, Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC), the most active forum is dominated by China.

    Non-riparian ASEAN members are accused of “minimal interest” in the Lancang-Mekong issues and they “generally do not participate”. Even attempts to interest the rest of ASEAN on Mekong issues “are met with only the pretense of polite interest”. [v]

      If ASEAN is to preserve ‘unity’ it must see maritime and continental Southeast Asia as one strategic space and take into account challenges faced by ASEAN Member States who border China on land particularly Myanmar who has accused China of interfering in its internal politics and arming the ethnic armed groups operating near the Chinese border,[vi]  and Laos[vii] that is economically and militarily weak to fend off Chinese pressures unlike Vietnam which has withstood Chinese pressures on land and at sea. Otherwise, China will open yet another contentious front for the ASEAN.  Finally, under the circumstances, prudence necessitates that ASEAN should prepare to incorporate newer issues other than the South China Sea in its agenda!

    Notes:
    [i] “ASEAN deadlocked on South China Sea, Cambodia blocks statement, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-southchinasea-ruling-asean/asean-deadlocked-on-south-china-sea-cambodia-blocks-statement-idUSKCN1050F6 (accessed 18 July 2020).
    [ii] “US-China tensions: why is Malaysia so quiet about the South China Sea?”, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3093715/us-china-tensions-why-malaysia-so-quiet-about-south-china-sea (accessed 18 July 2020).
    [iii] “Why Asean should treat the Mekong like the South China Sea”, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/opinion/article/3093546/why-asean-should-treat-mekong-south-china-sea (accessed 18 July 2020).
    [iv] Chheang Vannarith, “Code of conduct for the Mekong”, https://www.khmertimeskh.com/298648/code-of-conduct-for-the-mekong/ (accessed 19 July 2020).
    [v]“Why Asean should treat the Mekong like the South China Sea”, https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/opinion/article/3093546/why-asean-should-treat-mekong-south-china-sea (accessed 18 July 2020).
    [vi] “After ASEAN & India, Now Myanmar Accuses China of Creating trouble on the Border”, https://eurasiantimes.com/now-myanmar-accuses-china-for-creating-trouble-in-the-country/ (accessed 19 July 2020).
    [vii] China also claims its right over a large part of Laos on historical precedents (China’s Yuan Dynasty, 1271-1368). “China faces territorial issues with 18 nations; check details”, https://zeenews.india.com/world/china-faces-territorial-issues-with-18-nations-check-details-2292826.html (accessed 19 July 2020).

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  • What After The Galwan Incident?

    What After The Galwan Incident?

    As one writes, a phase of the events in the Galwan valley near the Line of Actual Control (LAC) has come to an end. Inputs from government, media and private commentators, have provided a perspective of the events preceding the incidents of 15/16 June and thereafter till the current day. For the world, the occasion has provided the opportunity yet again to witness the fighting spirit and junior leadership of all ranks of the Indian Army, who despite being outnumbered, were able to inflict far greater casualties on their adversaries, in inhospitable terrain under fading light conditions. The sacrifices of the men of 16 BIHAR, 3 PUNJAB, 3 Medium Regiment, and individual personnel from 81 Field Regiment, Corps of Signals and the Army Medical Corps have added lustre to the reputation of the Indian military. Their deeds shall remain enshrined in the memory of a grateful nation. At this watershed moment, we salute them.
    China is contesting control over settled areas (Galwan), exploiting laid down rules and norms of border management by resorting to use of primitive weapons instead of firearms, and pushing the envelope on the ground in attempting to increase areas under control such as at Hot Springs and Pangong Tso – all actions just short of war.
    One theory gaining currency in attempting to understand China’s recent behaviour, pertains to its unhappiness over what it perceives as alteration of the status quo on the LAC by designating Ladakh as a Union Territory – resulting in active collusion with Pakistan which shares Beijing’s sentiments on this issue, amongst others. However, there is no doubt that the strategy applied by China in East Ladakh comes straight out of its manual on Grey Zone Warfare. It is contesting control over settled areas (Galwan), exploiting laid down rules and norms of border management by resorting to use of primitive weapons instead of firearms, and pushing the envelope on the ground in attempting to increase areas under control such as at Hot Springs and Pangong Tso – all actions just short of war.

    While the situation on the Pangong Tso awaits resolution, what is amply clear is that the era of explaining away patrol clashes on the LAC to the Indian public, in terms of ‘varying perceptions held by both sides’, is past. By its perfidious actions in East Ladakh this year, China has shredded in letter and spirit the border agreements built up over the last three decades. The recent incidents have brought greater clarity to the public mind, with a consensus that China’s salami slicing tactics cannot be tolerated any further. Indian soldiers see the LAC as a line marked on the map. Commanders are clear that the areas up to that line are to be either physically occupied or patrolled at will from bases in the vicinity, supplemented by other forms of surveillance. As per media reports, the Government has over the weekend ‘revised the Rules of Engagement’, giving ‘a free hand to the Army’ to deal with occurrences of this nature. By implication, in future if patrols cannot resolve their face offs peacefully, there will be no resorting to hand to hand scuffles with primitive weapons – unsuccessful efforts at border management will give way to border defence, through resort to tactical military operations.
    As per media reports, the Government has over the weekend ‘revised the Rules of Engagement’, giving ‘a free hand to the Army’ to deal with occurrences of this nature. By implication, in future if patrols cannot resolve their face offs peacefully, there will be no resorting to hand to hand scuffles with primitive weapons – unsuccessful efforts at border management will give way to border defence, through resort to tactical military operations.
    Response to this new paradigm places another set of challenges before the Indian Army. Prior to May 2020, Galwan was not in the category of disputed areas, as understood in LAC parlance. Neither had any Chinese activity been sensed in the preceding years. While construction of the DSDBO road could be the trigger, the fact that an area where the LAC had lain undisturbed since 1962 could become the scene of such a violent action, warrants scrutiny of PLA intent across the board. Previous assumptions with respect to the PLAs likely areas of interest across the entire Northern border, therefore, certainly warrants a relook. Conclusions drawn would mandate contingency planning and consequent tasking at strategic, operational and tactical levels. Such plans doubtless exist. However, it is obvious that their scope, timelines, and imperatives for successful implementation will need review in conjunction with the other services.
    Outcomes of such reviews would inevitably renew the focus on capability building and in the middle term, might even alter priorities for the same. Substantial enhancements in the areas of surveillance, tactical and strategic air mobility and real time communication links continue to retain their importance. Induction of greater varieties of kinetic non-contact weapon systems, complemented by force multipliers such as cyber warriors and special forces too remain on top of the list. Also, the continued ceasefire violations on the Line of Control to the West, and the relentless tempo of counter terrorist operations in the Valley during this period smack of collusion and tell a tale which defence planners must take note of. Developing the desired capability will be predicated on guaranteed funding and fast track procedures. It is heartening to peruse reports in the Economic Times of 22 June that the Government has granted emergency financial powers up to Rs 500 crore per procurement project to each service for buying weapons and ammunition. Even if new projects cannot be initiated immediately because of fund constraints imposed by the Covid-19 pandemic and otherwise, it is time for stalled ones like the Mountain Strike Corps to be quickly completed. The example of the PLA which has almost completed its reorganisation for fighting wars of the future and tested the response of its field force during the Covid-19 pandemic, must be taken note of.
    Thanks to the Galwan episode, the vital aspect of border infrastructure has gained nationwide attention. There is perceptive increase in the pace of development over the last few years. The sequence and methodology however are dictated essentially by two factors – availability of resources (funds and specialist equipment) and the need for calibrating messages implicit in such actions to China. Despite Covid-19 constraints, the current crisis mandates that funds currently earmarked for infrastructure development continue to flow so that development progresses, albeit at a slower pace. As regards messaging to China, we have reached a watershed moment. As high level military talks continue and spell out the Indian position on the ground to the Chinese, creating an ‘all of nation approach’ for tackling China becomes necessary.
    Galwan incident has ensured that the negative perception of China worldwide is now shared by almost all sections of Indian society. This bitterness is fuelled by the sheer brutality of the Chinese military and duplicity of the Chinese government, bringing back memories of 1962 for many who have only heard of that era. It is driven further by a realisation of the scale of India’s dependence on China, be it in the import of manufactured goods of all hues, or technology, and the consequent harm to Indian interests and livelihoods. Awareness has spread amongst Indians that China’s constant working against India’s interests in world fora, be it in vetoing expansion of the permanent membership of the Security Council for ‘technical reasons’, blocking its membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group or introducing discussions on Kashmir are all part of its plan to obstruct India’s progress to its rightful place in the comity of nations. In attempting to correct an unequal economic relationship, ensuring that India retains its position in the region and preventing erosion of its influence in South Asia and beyond, all elements of the Indian state have their tasks cut out. It becomes imperative now to prepare a different toolkit with a wider range of options (including those not envisaged earlier) to manage India-China relations. Such options now require to be coordinated at all levels of the government and intimated to stakeholders including industry and other influencers for implementation. This coordination is long overdue. Resetting the economic relationship will not be easy. However, announcement of a practical time bound and holistic road map which has been thought through with all stakeholders would be a beginning.
    Galwan incident has ensured that the negative perception of China worldwide is now shared by almost all sections of Indian society.
    To supplement the proposed policy outlined above, articulation of a holistic Strategic Narrative vis-a-vis China becomes necessary. Such a narrative would pertain to as many aspects as possible – bilateral issues (including border management), local and regional matters, so that consistent, coherent and long term views are voiced, keeping in mind the national interest. information operations would be a subset of such a narrative, and briefings organised as frequently as possible would be useful force multipliers. It might be necessary for the concerned sections in the newly formed Department of Military Affairs and the Department of Defence to coordinate these aspects. India must also actively consider the possibilities that other forms of conflict, including hybrid warfare, are necessary to exploit and invest in the same. Here too, employment of such methodologies by China is an example. China has been refining its doctrine of ‘Unrestricted Warfare’ since the early 90s. The effects are there to see in South China Sea and elsewhere. It is executing certain aspects of this strategy against India on the Northern borders.
    Managing relations with China is destined to remain the major preoccupation for Indian strategic thinkers in coming years. Tensions along the LAC are but one manifestation of this problem. Both nations are hostage to geography. China’s behaviour over the last decade has influenced Indian foreign and military policies like no other, causing India to take decisions that were not in the realms of possibility earlier. Articulating a holistic China strategy through an all of government approach within the overall ambit of a National Security Strategy to ensure that India achieves its rightful place, has never been so important.
    Image Credit: ASPI:The Strategist – Nathan Ruser