Tag: Migrant Labour

  • India’s Self-Inflicted Economic Catastrophe

    India’s Self-Inflicted Economic Catastrophe

    Noted economist Jayati Ghosh reviews India’s economic recovery from the impact of the pandemic. She asserts that the major economic problems of unemployment, poverty, and inadequate healthcare are due to poor strategies and policies implemented by the government. In her analysis, COVID-19’s devastating impact on India has been compounded by the BJP government’s disastrous decision to impose nationwide lockdowns without providing any support to workers. Instead, the BJP used the pandemic to consolidate its power and suppress dissent. Even with existing socio-political constraints, she says India can do much better as there is scope for different economic strategies.

    This article was published earlier in Project Syndicate. The views expressed are the author’s own.

                                                                                                                                                                          -TPF Editorial Team

    Nearly 80% of the estimated 70 million people around the world who fell into extreme poverty at the onset of COVID-19 in 2020 were from India, a recent World Bank report has revealed. But even this shocking figure could be an underestimate, as the lack of official data makes it difficult to assess the pandemic’s human costs.

    What accounts for this alarming rise in Indian poverty? COVID-19 was undoubtedly India’s worst health calamity in at least a century. But the pandemic’s economic and social consequences go beyond the direct effects on health and mortality. As I argue in my recent book, The Making of a Catastrophe: The Disastrous Economic Fallout of the COVID-19 Pandemic in India, very significant policy failures – owing to government action and inaction – were responsible for widespread and significant damage to Indian livelihoods and for the country’s decline in terms of many basic indicators of economic well-being.

    But the devastating impact of the pandemic on India has been compounded by economic policies that reflected the country’s deeply-embedded inequalities.

    This judgment may seem excessively harsh. After all, India’s government did not cause the pandemic, and many other countries experienced economic setbacks after they failed to control the virus. But the devastating impact of the pandemic on India has been compounded by economic policies that reflected the country’s deeply-embedded inequalities.

    To be sure, the pandemic did not create India’s many economic vulnerabilities. But it did highlight India’s many societal fissures and fault lines. And while the country already suffered from glaring inequalities of income, wealth, and opportunities long before COVID-19, the government’s pandemic response has taken them to unimaginable extremes.

    Even as Indian workers faced poverty, hunger, and ever-greater material insecurity due to the pandemic, money and resources continued to flow from the poor and the middle class to the country’s largest corporations and wealthiest individuals. The intersecting inequalities of caste, gender, religion, and migration status have become increasingly marked and oppressive. The result has been a major setback to social and economic progress.

    At the beginning of the pandemic, the central government imposed a prolonged nationwide lockdown with little notice. It then adopted containment strategies that were clearly unsuited to the Indian context, with immediately devastating effects on employment and livelihoods.

    The grim state of affairs reflects the priorities of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) response. At the beginning of the pandemic, the central government imposed a prolonged nationwide lockdown with little notice. It then adopted containment strategies that were clearly unsuited to the Indian context, with immediately devastating effects on employment and livelihoods.

    Instead of using the breathing space provided by the lockdown to bolster local health systems, the central government left state authorities to manage as best they could with minimal and inadequate resources. And when the resulting economic disaster threatened to spiral out of control, the government eased restrictions to “unlock” the economy even as the number of cases mounted, thereby putting more people at risk.

    At a time when governments worldwide were significantly increasing public spending to fight the pandemic and mitigate its economic impact, the Indian government preferred to control expenditures (after adjusting for inflation) as its revenues declined.

    But at the heart of India’s self-inflicted economic catastrophe is the government’s decision to provide very little compensation or social protection, even as COVID-19 lockdowns deprived hundreds of millions of their livelihoods for several months. At a time when governments worldwide were significantly increasing public spending to fight the pandemic and mitigate its economic impact, the Indian government preferred to control expenditures (after adjusting for inflation) as its revenues declined.

    But in a country where median wages are too low to provide more than the most basic subsistence, losing even a week’s income could lead millions to the brink of starvation. Given that more than 90% of all workers in India are informal – without any legal or social protection – and that around half of those are self-employed, the effect was immediate and devastating.

    The government’s decision not to increase spending aggravated the shock of the lockdown, generating a humanitarian crisis that disproportionately affected women and marginalized groups, including millions of migrant workers who were forced to return home under harrowing conditions.

    But the effects of the official response to the pandemic are only one side of the story. COVID-19 safety measures have been a natural fit for the country’s still-pervasive caste system, which has long relied on forms of social distancing to enforce the socioeconomic order and protect those at the top. It also further entrenched India’s persistent patriarchy.

    Instead of taking appropriate countermeasures, like providing greater support to the population, the BJP used the pandemic to consolidate its power and suppress dissent. This, in turn, limited the central government’s ability to generate the widespread social consensus and public trust needed to contain the virus.

    Even within India’s deep-seated social and political constraints, there is scope for a different economic strategy that would enable a just, sustainable, and more equitable recovery.

    None of this was inevitable. Even within India’s deep-seated social and political constraints, there is scope for a different economic strategy that would enable a just, sustainable, and more equitable recovery. To ensure that most Indians, not just the stock market or large companies, benefit from growth, India’s voters must reject the BJP’s policies, which threaten to impoverish them further.

    Feature Image Credit: textilevaluechain.in

  • Covid 19: India uses Crisis to bring-in Economic Reforms as Package

    Covid 19: India uses Crisis to bring-in Economic Reforms as Package

    India’s four-phase lockdown of 68 days to deal with the Covid-19 threat has, while slowing the spread of the virus, come at huge economic costs. The lockdown for a vast majority of the people is, undoubtedly, the harshest in the world.

    The coronavirus triggered lockdown and its ensuing series of extensions have disrupted more than 60 percent of economic activities in the country, posing a huge threat to the  economy. The crisis was underway when the global economy was slowing down and India, in particular, had to deal with a poor health care system and an economy already under distress. Unemployment rate is estimated to be around 27 percent post lockdown and has resulted in nearly 12.2 crore people losing their jobs. In addition, a  severe slump in consumer demand is expected to persist for the next few quarters. Almost 85 percent of India’s workforce is engaged in the informal sector – quite naturally the government is under stress to implement effective policy reforms to counter the downturn. 

    In response to the contraction in the economy, the Prime Minister has announced a second round of economic package that stands at roughly around 10 percent of the Gross Domestic Product. The USA and Japan have announced relief packages of 13 and 21 percent of their GDP respectively. In comparison, India has seemingly provided a substantial Rs 20 lakh crore stimulus- highlighting the concept of ‘self-reliance’ as a way forward to deal with the economy post the pandemic. The stimulus package includes previous steps taken by RBI such as moratorium on loan repayments, interest rate cut, etc. In the five tranches of the stimulus package, the Finance Minister has announced a slew of measures to address the structural issues of Indian economy. However, it is estimated that the immediate fiscal boost will be only around 1 percent of GDP and most of the fiscal and monetary policies will attract long term capital with medium run  stabilization of the economy.

     

    Micro Medium and Small Scale Enterprises 

    Focusing on reviving the small businesses and micro enterprises, under this tranche Rs 3 lakh crore is allocated for collateral free loans for business enterprises. This package is estimated to be around Rs 5.94 lakh crore including RBI measures to improve liquidity in the economy. However, the direct fiscal cost for the government is around Rs 16,500 crore. For the stressed MSME units, the central government is planning to facilitate Rs 20,000 crore as subordinate debt and Rs 50,000 crore through equity infusion. Non Banking Finance Companies (NBFC) that serve the MSMEs will receive Rs 30,000 crore under investment guarantee scheme. While the six broad measures look attractive, the MSME sector in India is dominated by micro enterprises that are largely unregistered. However, these measures will not immediately benefit the micro business units with necessary working capital. Most of the enterprises and small business units are cash strapped and are on the verge of disappearing. Ninety-nine percent of the sector comprises micro enterprises – businesses with less than 10 working employees.

    Most of the enterprises and small business units are cash strapped and are on the verge of disappearing. Ninety-nine percent of the sector comprises micro enterprises – businesses with less than 10 working employees. 

    While the government has taken supply side measures to incentivize businesses, two important challenges remain intact. One, the large number of unregistered micro businesses might not benefit from the credit line offered by the government. Two, if the demand recovers slowly, it is likely the business sector especially small enterprises will suffer despite credit being infused. It is important to note that the supply and demand side has to be revived at the same rate to ensure sustainability of the MSME business. 

     

     

    Migrant labourers and Farmers: 

    Second stimulus of the Finance minister’s announcement was focused on migrant labourers and farmers. Close to 150 million internal migrants are present in India according to the latest census report.  Rs 3500 crores is to be spent on migrant labourers not covered under the Public Distribution System (PDS). Rs 5000 crore is set aside to facilitate easy access to street vendors. Funds worth Rs 6000 crore is planned for enhancing employment among adivasis and tribal groups. For the next two months, around 8 crore migrant labourers not covered under PDS will be provided 5kgs of grains per person and 1 kg chana per family in a month. ‘One Nation One Ration Card’ is a welcome move given the leakages present in the PDS, but the national coverage of this scheme is expected only by March 2021.  Additionally, in the National Food Security Act, 2013 , based on the 2011 census data, it is estimated that around 100 million people do not fall under this safety net accounting for growth in population over the past decade. The initiative to record and track the data on unregistered labourers is important for fiscal stimulus response to a COVID hit economy. National portability of ration cards is important but the execution is time consuming and does not address the problem of people being excluded from the ration card system. Universalizing PDS and decentralizing decisions to achieve food security with an efficient supply chain should be an immediate intervention. States with higher migrant labourers and people with less access to PDS should be targeted to universalise food distribution.  Acknowledging the shortcomings of the PDS and food supply channel, an emergency plan to ensure food supply to people below poverty line for the next six months needs to be prioritised.

     

    ‘One Nation One Ration Card’ is a welcome move given the leakages present in the PDS, but the national coverage of this scheme is expected only by March 2021. 

     

    Agriculture and Allied activities:

    Under the third tranche of the economic stimulus package, the government has taken bold measures to invest in agriculture and allied activities. Total package announced was worth Rs 1.63 lakh crores – relatively less compared to earlier stimulus packages. The main focus was on enhancing agriculture infrastructure, financing farm gate produce and improving post harvest supply.  A series of other funds were allocated for disease control for animal husbandry, promotion of herbal products and fisheries. Rs 10,000 crore was unveiled to support 2 lakh Micro Food Enterprises on a cluster based approach. 

    Lack of cold storage and supply chain was identified by the government to create an Agriculture Infrastructure Fund of Rs 1 lakh crore. A big push for agriculture reforms was spelled out by the decision to deregulate six commodities including cereals, pulses, oil and vegetables by amending  the Essential Commodity Act, 1955.

    Many experts believe the reforms undertaken were long due for India to enhance productivity of the agriculture  sector. But deregulation of essential products during the time of lockdown with poor food supply chains might not be beneficial especially for marginal farmers.  Almost 92 percent of the Food Supply Chain is controlled by the private sector and most of the farmers are not informed about Minimum Support Price and adopt unscientific farming practices. With liquidity constraint in the economy, demand for essential food is substantial. Factoring the drawbacks of PDS in supplying food items to the bottom section – a high probability of market failure is underway potentially hurting both farmers and consumers. Except for concessional credit for farmers and agriculture loans, the package has  limited scope to reduce the distress faced by the agrarian sector in near future. As far as the reforms are concerned, there was a clear bias towards post harvest investment. However, the productivity and scale of production has been the biggest problem in India that requires effective land reforms. India’s agriculture sector also suffers without adequate investment in Technology and Research & Development. During an unprecedented crisis, Indian government is pushing for big reforms but the structural issues of marginal-land farming are largely ignored. Even as a reform package─it is evident that it is likely to benefit primarily large farmers in the medium term.

    Except for concessional credit for farmers and agriculture loans, the package has  limited scope to reduce the distress faced by the agrarian sector in near future.

     Infrastructure, Defence  & Aerospace 

    Under this package, eight key sectors: coal, minerals, defence production, aerospace management, airports, power distribution, space and atomic energy were in the spotlight. In an effort to boost employment, a proclamation of structural reforms was stated in the fourth  tranche. The coal and mining industry is expected to receive an infrastructure development fund – making the sector self-reliant in production. The Foreign Direct Investment limit in defence has been increased from 49 percent to 74 percent to encourage foreign investment in production. In the aviation industry, India decided to open up 6 airports for auction. Additionally, three airports are to be operated under the Public Private Partnership model. Optimization of air space, building a hub for aircraft maintenance and overhaul are some of the important measures covered under this package. 

    Privatization and Globalization (New Economic Policy, 1991)- COVID-19 crisis has offered a space for the government to initiate certain radical measures to privatise a few industries.

    Private partnerships in the areas of space exploration and atomic energy offers an immense potential for private companies to get incubated for research and development. Sharing an economic pressure similar to the 1991 Balance of Payment crisis that resulted in Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization (New Economic Policy, 1991)- COVID-19 crisis has offered a space for the government to initiate certain radical measures to privatise a few industries. The measures will undoubtedly help the business ecosystem in India to develop in the medium term.  Though there seems to be a claim about substantial job creation this is not likely to happen immediately. 

    Rural Employment & Public Health

    In the final announcement, Rs 40,000 crore was allotted to Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) to replace direct transfer from central government to migrant workers. Inadequate data about inter state informal labourers has placed limitations on policy formulation during the time of crisis. Under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Yojna, Rs 50 lakh per person insurance cover will be applicable for health professionals. To ensure ease of doing business, non adherence to the Companies’ Act will be decriminalised. The government also committed to increasing health expenditure to face pandemics in the future. The finance minister also encouraged companies to entertain the idea of digital India to conduct meetings and businesses online. 

    The last two announcements together accounted for Rs 48,500 crore and experts criticize that most of them do not provide immediate relief for the people in distress. 

    Conclusion

    India has evidently seized the opportunity during the crisis to introduce reforms to boost the economy in the long run. The reform package undoubtedly is impressive on paper but in terms of immediate support to various sectors in distress it offers little. For example, a large part of the package – Rs 8.04 lakh crore- is additional liquidity injected by monetary policy in the last three months.  An investment bank has predicted that India will face a deeper recession in the short term but the economic stimulus would help the economy after a few quarters. As a consequence the real growth rate is to drop down by 5 percent year-on-year in 2020. Even after a massive package, the situation of poor and middle-class people remains bleak. The reforms might bear fruits in future but deferring the policy response to address current challenges will manifest into huge burden on vulnerable sections of the people. Current economic crisis has undoubtedly offered the central government to take advantage of the weak bargaining power of the stakeholders to push reforms but low attention is paid to immediate distress.

    The author was supported by Ms S P Bharani, on summer internship at TPF.

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